In a sense, imperialism and immigration raised similar questions about American identity: Who was an “American,” and who wasn’t? What were the nation’s obligations to foreign powers and foreign peoples? And how accessible-and how fluid-should American identity be for newcomers? All such questions confronted late-nineteenth-century Americans with unprecedented urgency. European and Asian immigrants poured into the United States. Meanwhile, as the United States asserted itself abroad, it acquired increasingly higher numbers of foreign peoples at home. The question of American imperialism, then, seeks to understand not only direct American interventions in such places as Cuba, the Philippines, Hawaii, Guam, and Puerto Rico, but also the deeper history of American engagement with the wider world and the subsequent ways in which American economic, political, and cultural power has shaped the actions, choices, and possibilities of other groups and nations. In the Pacific, Latin America, and the Middle East, and most explicitly in the Spanish-American War and under the foreign policy of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft, the United States expanded on a long history of exploration, trade, and cultural exchange to practice something that looked remarkably like empire. In the decades after the American Civil War, the United States exerted itself in the service of American interests around the world. One hundred years after the United States won its independence from the British Empire, had it become an empire of its own? The word empire might conjure images of ancient Rome, the Persian Empire, or the British Empire-powers that depended variously on military conquest, colonization, occupation, or direct resource exploitation-but empires can take many forms and imperial processes can occur in many contexts. Theodore Roosevelt and American Imperialism

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